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    For each of the main categories of cybercrime we set out what is and is not known of the direct costs, indirect costs and defence costs – both to the UK and to the world as a whole.We distinguish carefully between traditional crimes that are now “cyber” because they are conducted online (such as tax and welfare fraud); transitional crimes whose modus operandi has changed substantially as a result of the move online (such as credit card fraud); new crimes that owe their existence to the Internet; and what we might call platform crimes such as the provision of botnets which facilitate other crimes rather than being used to extract money from victims directly.Each police service revealed how many officers it had suspended, but the other information requested was provided in varying degrees.Each service has its own policies regarding the media and information it decides to make public.

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    The National Post contacted Ontario’s 53 police services during a three-week period that began in July and continued into early August, requesting the total number of officers suspended, names and charges, lengths of suspensions and salaries.We are extremely inefficient at fighting cybercrime; or to put it another way, cyber-crooks are like terrorists or metal thieves in that their activities impose disproportionate costs on society.Some of the reasons for this are well-known: cybercrimes are global and have strong externalities, while traditional crimes such as burglary and car theft are local, and the associated equilibria have emerged after many years of optimisation.This chapter documents what we believe to be the first systematic study of the costs of cybercrime.The initial workshop paper was prepared in response to a request from the UK Ministry of Defence following scepticism that previous studies had hyped the problem.

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